The basis of what will doubtless be the definitive
edition of Buchanan’s writings, undertaken and carried through with the support
of his niece, the late Mrs. Henry E. Johnston, formerly Harriet Lane, appears
to be the Buchanan papers in the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Professor
Moore has been able to include, however, important papers from the Library
of Congress, especially the Jackson and Van Buren collections, and from
the Department of State; he has reprinted from Curtis’s biography
what could not be found elsewhere; while for Buchanan’s speeches
in Congress he has used the official reports. It is disturbing to find
that Curtis should often have printed his documents carelessly or fragmentarily,
but Professor Moore points out numerous instances of erroneous or partial
reproduction. The arrangement of the papers, in these three volumes extending
only to 1838, is strictly chronological, the source of each document
is carefully indicated, and brief notes supply necessary data, mainly
personal nature. As pieces of straightforward and attractive book-making
the set promises to be in every way praiseworthy.
Buchanan entered upon his long career of public service in December,
1821, when, at the age of thirty, he took his seat in Congress as a representative
his native state. Of his writings previous to this time Professor Moore prints
but two specimens: a letter to Jared Ingersoll, in 1813, soliciting an appointment
as deputy attorney-general, and a fragment of a Fourth of July oration, 1815,
in which his early Federalist sympathies appear. In Congress he soon won distinction
as a man of legal ability and laborious industry. A speech of March 12, 1822,
against the pending bankruptcy bill (I. 24), he declared in his autobiography
to be one of the best ever delivered by him in Congress. He favored the tariffs
of 1824 and 1828 (I. 56, 233, 330), and at first gave his support to internal
improvements (I. 252); but in 1829, after considering Monroe’s constitutional
objections (I. 383), he opposed further appropriations for the Cumberland Road,
and urged the cession of the road to the states through which it ran. His close
acquaintance with Jackson, first instanced here in a cordial letter of May 29,
1825 (I. 138), involved him in the scandal of the “corrupt bargain”.
October 16, 1826, we find him writing to Duff Green that, although he (Buchanan)
had seen Jackson in regard to the Clay vote a few days before the decision to
vote for Adams was known, “I had no authority from Mr. Clay or his friends
to propose any terms to General Jackson, in relation to their votes, nor did
I make any such proposition” (I. 219). As to a “corrupt bargain”,
that, he says, was a natural inference, but will never be proved by direct evidence.
He returned to the subject again the following July in a letter to Ingham (I.
260), in which he still shows anxiety not to be thought an emissary of Clay.
He championed without reserve, however, Jackson’s view of the election
of 1825, and in 1828 spoke several times in favor of retrenchment and against
the alleged extravagance of the Adams administration.
That Buchanan could on occasion take a position which, if it correctly represented
his opinion, was indicative of a curious mental twist, is shown by a remarkable
speech of 1830 (I. 440), in which the withdrawal of the Supreme Court justices
from circuit duty was strongly opposed on the ground, among others, that by living
always at Washington they would lose touch with the people, be unable to keep
up with the course of state legislation, and become in time wholly subservient
to the President! For the most part, however, his course was consistent and increasingly
influential. In 1830, as chairman of the House Committee on Judiciary, he drew
the articles of impeachment in the case of Judge Peck; and in January, 1831,
courageously resisted the famous attempt to repeal the twenty-fifth section of
the Judiciary Act of 1789, regulating appeals to the Supreme Court (II. 67).
The same broad views of public policy as distinct from party advantage dictated
his opposition, in February, 1831, to the proposal to strike out the appropriation
for the salary of John Randolph, the minister of Russia.
In May of the same year Buchanan was himself offered the Russian post, and
accepted it. His diary, beginning March 21, 1832, supplements for this period
and private correspondence. As minister he had a chance to display the tact
of diplomatic skill which Professor Moore notes as his special gift, and his
particularly in the negotiation of a treaty of commerce and navigation, was
gratifying. A treaty of maritime rights, however he was unable to secure. The
of the Department of State were evidently unsatisfactory, for Buchanan repeatedly
complains that necessary books and documents are not sent to him, and on December
20, 1832, writes: “I have not received the scrape of a pen from the Department
of State since I left home” (II. 307). He found time to correspond with
Jackson and others about American politics, commended the bank veto (II. 241),
and noted the praise of European newspapers for the nullification proclamation
and messages (II. 316).
Buchanan returned to the United States in the autumn of 1833. Although already
several times mentioned as a vice-presidential possibility, he had himself
been inclined to think that his public career was over (II. 333), and had considered
opening a law office in New York or Baltimore. In December, 1834, however,
was chosen a United States senator. In response to a letter from Jacob Kern
and others, informing him of his election, he admitted the right of the legislature
to instruct its senators (II. 402); and in February, 1838, he yielded to a
of the assembly and voted against the Subtreasury Bill, which he had previously
supported (III. 380). In the Senate he at once championed Jackson’s course
in relation to France (II. 408), maintaining that the time for a vigorous assertion
of American rights had come. In January, 1837, he spoke at length in support
of Benton’s expunging resolution, voting, as he observed, “not cheerfully” but
from “imperious duty” (III. 168). In 1836 he opposed the recognition
of Texan independence (III. 60), though sympathizing with Texas; and he was still
in opposition on March 1, 1837 (III. 247), and voted against the resolution which
prevailed. He was already on record as approving Jackson’s course with
the bank, and his letters contain a number of references to the popular approval
which he detected. Like Jackson, too, he came to believe in the wisdom of a
complete divorce of the federal government from the banks.
The question of slavery Buchanan could not dodge even had he wished to do so,
and his treatment of the subject at this time was at least as enlightened as
that of most of his party associates. In February, 1836, we find him opposing
petitions for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia (III. 1),
notwithstanding the fact that in 1819, at Lancaster, he had been one of a committee
which drafted strong resolutions against slavery in new states and territories;
but the opposition in the Senate to the reception of abolition memorials called
out his unqualified condemnation (III. 553). He agreed with Calhoun, however,
in desiring the exclusion of anti-slavery matter from the mails (III. 83).
There is nothing to show that he as yet saw much below the surface of events.
had written to him exultantly on March 21, 1833, “Thus die nullification
and secession”, and Buchanan saw no reason to fear that the dead would
A useful feature of this edition is an index to Buchanan’s career in
Congress, extending to 1845. The documents in volume III. stop with June, 1838.